Last week, the Zimbabwean Cabinet approved a draft bill proposing amendments to the country’s Constitution that would extend the presidential term from five years to seven years. The proposal could potentially prolong President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s tenure in office until 2030.
The bill reportedly includes additional provisions that would shift the power to elect the president from a nationwide popular vote to Parliament, a move that has sparked debate about the future of democratic participation in the country.
Zimbabwe now joins a growing list of African states that have amended their constitutions to extend presidential term limits, with some countries removing them altogether. These changes have raised concerns that repeated constitutional revisions have weakened democratic norms and institutions across the continent, even as Africa faces mounting security challenges such as terrorism and insurgencies.
The amendment of constitutional term limits has increasingly been viewed by critics as a destabilising trend within African democracies. Several Francophone countries in particular have experienced heightened political volatility following constitutional changes, including protests, military interventions, and rising human rights concerns.
By the end of the 20th century, constitutional term limits had become a defining feature of Africa’s democratic rebound. These provisions, typically restricting presidents to two terms, were designed to prevent the return of life presidencies that characterised much of the post-independence era.
However, over the past two decades a troubling pattern has emerged: leaders have increasingly revised, reset, or removed these limits through constitutional engineering rather than broad national consensus, thereby entrenching executive authority.
Across the continent, from East to West and North to South, such constitutional changes have reshaped political systems, weakened democratic safeguards, and in several cases triggered unrest with deadly consequences.
Uganda
Uganda offers a notable example of gradual constitutional consolidation of power. In 2005, the Constitution was amended to remove presidential term limits. Twelve years later, in 2017, lawmakers abolished the presidential age limit, eliminating the final constitutional barrier to extended rule.
President Yoweri Museveni, who has governed since 1986, has since secured multiple reelections. Electoral cycles have become increasingly confrontational. In the 2026 general election, Museveni secured a seventh term with more than 70% of the vote.
The election period was marked by arrests of opposition figures, detentions, and a nationwide internet shutdown, which human rights organisations said restricted information flow and suppressed dissent. Security responses during the campaign period were also linked to dozens of deaths, while civil society organisations reported widespread intimidation of opposition supporters.
Surveys conducted by regional research institutions have shown that between 70 and 75% of Ugandans support the restoration of both presidential term and age limits, highlighting a persistent public desire for stronger constitutional safeguards. International observers, including the African Union, described the electoral environment as constrained and warned of the risks associated with increasingly executive-centric governance.
Guinea
Guinea presents a more dramatic case of constitutional manipulation and its consequences. In 2020, the government organised a constitutional referendum that effectively reset presidential term limits, allowing President Alpha Condé to seek a third term. The move triggered widespread protests and violent security crackdowns. In the southeastern city of Nzérékoré alone,
Clashes between demonstrators and security forces reportedly resulted in more than 30 deaths, numerous injuries, and significant displacement. Condé’s controversial tenure ultimately ended not through electoral defeat but through a military coup in September 2021 that removed him from power.
Although the military authorities that seized power pledged to oversee a constitutional transition, concerns resurfaced when a draft constitution circulated in 2025 proposed longer presidential terms and weakened eligibility restrictions, raising fears that a new political elite could entrench itself through similar constitutional manoeuvres.
Burundi
Burundi experienced one of the most severe crises linked to constitutional term disputes. In 2015, President Pierre Nkurunziza’s decision to pursue a third term sparked nationwide protests demanding adherence to constitutional limits. The protests were met with a violent crackdown that resulted in more than 300 deaths and forced over 300,000 people to flee the country as refugees.
The crisis also triggered an attempted coup in the capital, Bujumbura, while the European Union and the United States imposed diplomatic sanctions. In 2018, Burundi adopted a new constitution that extended presidential terms and reset limits for future leaders, although political tensions and social divisions remain deeply entrenched.
Cameroon
Cameroon represents a quieter but equally consequential case. In 2008, a constitutional amendment removed presidential term limits, enabling President Paul Biya to remain eligible for re-election. Since then, the country has experienced repeated elections marked by allegations of irregularities and a shrinking political space for opposition movements.
Although Cameroon’s ongoing Anglophone crisis stems largely from linguistic and governance grievances, critics argue that prolonged executive dominance has compounded governance challenges.
DR Congo
In the Republic of the Congo, a 2015 constitutional referendum removed both presidential term and age limits, allowing long-time leader Denis Sassou Nguesso to remain in office. The process was widely criticised by opposition parties as being engineered by the ruling establishment. Protests erupted in the capital Brazzaville and in the Pool region, prompting calls for dialogue from regional and international actors.
Central African Republic
Similarly, the Central African Republic amended its constitution in 2023 to abolish presidential term limits while extending the length of the presidency from five to seven years. The referendum was largely boycotted by opposition groups, who argued that it took place in an atmosphere of insecurity and limited civic space. In a country already grappling with armed groups and fragile state institutions, analysts warned that removing constitutional constraints on executive power could further undermine democratic stability.
Djibouti
Djibouti followed a similar path in 2010 when it removed presidential term limits, allowing President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh to extend his tenure. While the country has avoided large-scale unrest, political competition remains tightly controlled and elections consistently favour the incumbent government.
Ivory Coast
Côte d’Ivoire also experienced controversy following the adoption of a new constitution in 2016. Authorities interpreted the new document as resetting presidential term counts, enabling President Alassane Ouattara to contest a third term in 2020 and later a fourth term in 2025. The elections were marked by opposition boycotts, protests, and episodes of violence that left more than 80 people dead according to official figures.
The consequences of constitutional term-limit alterations across the continent have been profound. In many cases, they have weakened democratic institutions, eroded public trust in electoral systems, and intensified political polarisation. Rather than stabilising governance, prolonged presidencies have frequently fuelled protests, military coups, and cycles of repression that undermine both national stability and regional security.
As Africa confronts complex challenges ranging from economic pressures to the spread of terrorism and insurgency, governance experts increasingly argue that the erosion of constitutional safeguards risks deepening institutional fragility. Ultimately, the durability of African democracies may depend on whether constitutional frameworks are preserved as instruments of accountability rather than tools for extending executive power.
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